Tuesday, October 5, 2010

Follow-up on Obama and Change Management

As a follow-up to my last article on the importance of change management, below are a coupled of links to analyses of Obama's success or lack thereof in managing change. Both analyses reference the Harvard/Kotter change management model that I mentioned in my article.

"...Obama seemed to miss the opportunity to re-mobilize and engage the millions of supporters that had been energized by his campaign and to redirect them towards specific initiatives. Instead, he seemed to focus his efforts on traditional political forms of influence, with the unintended consequence of even greater polarization than there was at the beginning of his term."
Analysis from the Harvard Business Review blog: click here.

"President Barack Obama embarked on one of the most challenging change leadership initiatives imaginable -- with no previous large-scale change experience. Some have said that inexperience does not matter if the president surrounds himself with experienced people.

They were wrong."
Analysis from Human Resource Executive Online: click here.

Sunday, October 3, 2010

Our Future Depends on Change Management

‎"We need to stop waiting for Superman and start building a superconsensus to do the superhard stuff we must do now."

This is an essential truth from Tom Friedman's brilliant October 2, 2010 article in the NYT (see article below).

To expand upon the importance of consensus building, in my opinion, we will never move forward as a nation until our political leaders understand the change management process, keys to which are establishing a legitimate sense of urgency about the problem(s), developing a unifying vision for a better post-change state, and building the consensus necessary to proceed into action.

No matter what any president's party affiliation, consensus of Democrats AND Republicans will be necessary to avoid gridlock. Impossible, you say? Well, that's what true leadership is all about. Building consensus is absolutely necessary, no matter how long it takes and no matter how painful the process may be. It will take an enormously patient, open-minded, courageous and determined president, but as we've seen with the divisiveness that results from the traditional approach -- which Obama fell into the trap of following -- attempts to shortcut the change management process simply don't work. I'm not saying Obama hasn't been well-intentioned (although I do disagree with his vision for our nation), but he either didn't know or didn't respect the process, and more harm has been done than good.

Click here to read more about the change management process, according to Harvard's John Kotter, who is arguably the foremost expert on the subject.

Third Party RisingBy THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN

A friend in the U.S. military sent me an e-mail last week with a quote from the historian Lewis Mumford’s book, “The Condition of Man,” about the development of civilization. Mumford was describing Rome’s decline: “Everyone aimed at security: no one accepted responsibility. What was plainly lacking, long before the barbarian invasions had done their work, long before economic dislocations became serious, was an inner go. Rome’s life was now an imitation of life: a mere holding on. Security was the watchword — as if life knew any other stability than through constant change, or any form of security except through a constant willingness to take risks.”

It was one of those history passages that echo so loudly in the present that it sends a shiver down my spine — way, way too close for comfort.

I’ve just spent a week in Silicon Valley, talking with technologists from Apple, Twitter, LinkedIn, Intel, Cisco and SRI and can definitively report that this region has not lost its “inner go.” But in talks here and elsewhere I continue to be astounded by the level of disgust with Washington, D.C., and our two-party system — so much so that I am ready to hazard a prediction: Barring a transformation of the Democratic and Republican Parties, there is going to be a serious third party candidate in 2012, with a serious political movement behind him or her — one definitely big enough to impact the election’s outcome.

There is a revolution brewing in the country, and it is not just on the right wing but in the radical center. I know of at least two serious groups, one on the East Coast and one on the West Coast, developing “third parties” to challenge our stagnating two-party duopoly that has been presiding over our nation’s steady incremental decline.

President Obama has not been a do-nothing failure. He has some real accomplishments. He passed a health care expansion, a financial regulation expansion, stabilized the economy, started a national education reform initiative and has conducted a smart and tough war on Al Qaeda.

But there is another angle on the last two years: a president who won a sweeping political mandate, propelled by an energized youth movement and with control of both the House and the Senate — about as much power as any president could ever hope to muster in peacetime — was only able to pass an expansion of health care that is a suboptimal amalgam of tortured compromises that no one is certain will work or that we can afford (and doesn’t deal with the cost or quality problems), a limited stimulus that has not relieved unemployment or fixed our infrastructure, and a financial regulation bill that still needs to be interpreted by regulators because no one could agree on crucial provisions. Plus, Obama had to abandon an energy-climate bill altogether, and if the G.O.P. takes back the House, we may not have an energy bill until 2013.

Obama probably did the best he could do, and that’s the point. The best our current two parties can produce today — in the wake of the worst existential crisis in our economy and environment in a century — is suboptimal, even when one party had a huge majority. Suboptimal is O.K. for ordinary times, but these are not ordinary times. We need to stop waiting for Superman and start building a superconsensus to do the superhard stuff we must do now. Pretty good is not even close to good enough today.

“We basically have two bankrupt parties bankrupting the country,” said the Stanford University political scientist Larry Diamond. Indeed, our two-party system is ossified; it lacks integrity and creativity and any sense of courage or high-aspiration in confronting our problems. We simply will not be able to do the things we need to do as a country to move forward “with all the vested interests that have accrued around these two parties,” added Diamond. “They cannot think about the overall public good and the longer term anymore because both parties are trapped in short-term, zero-sum calculations,” where each one’s gains are seen as the other’s losses.

We have to rip open this two-party duopoly and have it challenged by a serious third party that will talk about education reform, without worrying about offending unions; financial reform, without worrying about losing donations from Wall Street; corporate tax reductions to stimulate jobs, without worrying about offending the far left; energy and climate reform, without worrying about offending the far right and coal-state Democrats; and proper health care reform, without worrying about offending insurers and drug companies.

“If competition is good for our economy,” asks Diamond, “why isn’t it good for our politics?”

We need a third party on the stage of the next presidential debate to look Americans in the eye and say: “These two parties are lying to you. They can’t tell you the truth because they are each trapped in decades of special interests. I am not going to tell you what you want to hear. I am going to tell you what you need to hear if we want to be the world’s leaders, not the new Romans.”